Showing posts with label Project TEMPEST. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Project TEMPEST. Show all posts

Sunday, August 30, 2020

The huge issues in the Integrated Review

 

F-35

Will the new Review provide an actual plan for the UK's F-35 purchase?

It is very much time to decide, because UK purchases are only planned out up to the 48th airplane. Specifically, the UK is acquiring:

 

3 jets in LRIP 12 (Fiscal Year 2018; delivery this year)

6 in LRIP 13 (2019; delivery 2021)

8 in LRIP 14 (2020; delivery 2022)

7 in LRIP 15 (2021; delivery was to be in 2023 but got slowed down. Just 2 deliveries expected in 2023 now)

6 in LRIP 16 (2022; delivery was to be in 2024 but got slowed down. Just 4 now expected in 2024. A total of 7 jets will thus now only be delivered in 2025)

 

The delay to deliveries was reported by the National Audit Office: basically, the MOD decided to delay delivery to spread out the expenditure across more financial years.

 

Note that Lot 15 and 16 are expected to be part of a 3-lots Block Buy (15, 16 and 17). The final production contract for this Block Buy, which will be as always concluded by the US Department of Defense on behalf also of the international partners, has not yet been concluded but will be in the near future.

The UK currently has no known plan for what to do with Lot 17: will it contain any UK aircraft? Will it be a complete gap year?  

In practice, beginning in 2023, the UK F-35 purchase is all up in the air.

 

The "138" number is probably entirely unfeasible. Many observers have been aware of this for years now, and I’ve written and tweeted about it many times over. Lately, with reports in the Press, it has emerged that this awareness is becoming very much “official” with the Integrated Review discussion reportedly focusing on having 70 accepted as the “minimum credible fleet size” to be pursued.

To me, and to several other observers, this is no surprise and no shock. Arguably, it is merely a measure of realism.

 

For several years now, the number 138 has arguably had zero actual relevance in regard to what the operational fleet can aspire to be.

The infamous key phrase to hang on to the number 138 was “the aircraft will be purchased over the life of the programme”, means the numbers would be spread over many years. Thanks to the MOD’s usual vagueness and deliberate murkyness, nobody even knows how many years.

The annual Major Projects Report has the F-35 programme end date as 31 March 2035, but how this should be interpreted is open to debate. Would 2035 see the last delivery? If so, the last order would have to be placed 2 years earlier, in 2033. Or would 2035 see the last order placed?

According to other interpretations, “over the life of the programme” should be read as “out to the aircraft’s Out of Service Date”, which is tentatively scheduled for 2048 as of these days (with the understanding that this will move to the right by potentially decades, as always happens).

Clearly it would be spectacularly dumb to be purchasing jets just before removing the fleet from service, and there cannot be absolute certainty that the F-35 production line would still be open at all by then. There are fair chances that F-35s will still be in production, but it’s just an assumption.

Not knowing on how many years the purchases are going to be spread out obviously makes it impossible to gauge the relevance of the total number. If purchases are spread out over decades, the actual available fleet will never grow beyond a fraction of the total.

Purchases very late on in the life of the programme might well be replacement airframes to make up for operational losses, or new-build machines purchased instead of replacing early production lot aircraft on value-for-money considerations.

 

In short: 138 was never going to be the F-35’s in-service fleet size.

138 F-35 would suffice for 6 or 7 squadrons, maybe more, but there is no manpower and no infrastructure for that to happen. That's why the number is meaningless and has been for years.

We have only ever been told there would be 4 F-35 squadrons.

 

And it would be very difficult indeed to create more.

The RAF currently has 7 frontline TYPHOON Squadrons and has repeatedly made clear that they want to try and squeeze an 8th one out, from a fleet of 140 machines (160 have been procured in total, but 1 was written off after a belly landing at China Lake in 2008; 3 were instrumented production aircraft for development and the Tranche 1 two-seaters have been withdrawn and dismantled for harvesting spares).

If you had 4 F-35B Squadrons, the total is 11 to 12 frontline Fast Jet units. The RAF hasn’t had this many from before 2010. And, notoriously, in 2010 the RAF shrunk down by 5,000 posts.

There clearly does not seem to be any manpower margin to create more Squadrons, even if there was the money to procure the airframes.

 

The fact that 70 F-35s are being described as the bare minimum requirement offers hope that the number of squadrons to be formed is still 4. A fleet of 70 to 80 jets should be enough to deliver that kind of force structure.

 



But again, there are too many things we do not know. One being the number of years in which the force will be built up. If 70 merely replaces 138 as a “through life” objective, we might well never see that many in service at the same time, and thus the number of squadrons would have to reduce.

If purchases are slow, the last 2 Squadrons might form only very late on, perhaps even beyond 2030. That would be very, very late indeed.

 

“70”, “138”, or whatever other number of airframes is individually almost meaningless.

If the Review finally gives us a realistic plan for the formation of the last 2 planned Squadrons by 2030, I invite everyone to leap with joy. 617 Squadron is operational, 809 will only stand up in 2023. What we need to see mapped out is the road that brings us to a third and a fourth frontline squadron.

The exact number of airframes is entirely secondary. Obviously, the more are purchased the easier it will be to form and sustain the fleet in the long term, but adjustements can be made. Less “attrition” aircraft purchased might be balanced by a greater investment in spare parts. Eventual losses should be faced with an eventual, occasional future purchase from a hot production line rather than by acquiring spare airframes early on, which will be difficult and expensive to keep up to date as the aircraft evolves.

 

I will be happy, quite literally, if people stop pestering us with a meaningless 138 number without dates attached to it in favor of an actual plan to get to 80 in 4 squadrons in an acceptable timeframe.

In fact, the UK should not commit to a fixed number of F-35s, and especially not such a high number. There will be time to make future purchases from a hot production line (for example if TEMPEST encounters delays, which is, let’s be honest, almost certainly going to happen; it always does) without having to unnecessarily constrain the Equipment Budget right at this time. 

 

My chief worry is that cutting back on the distant, long-term total number is in itself going to generate zero savings in the short term, were the financial problem sits. What needs to be settled satisfactorily is the timeframe 2023 – 2030 (2035 at the very latest).

This is especially true because the closer we get to 2030, the more F-35 will have to contend with TEMPEST for the same slice of budget. If you want TEMPEST by 2035 it means expenditure ramps up very quickly indeed. The UK has pinned on TEMPEST the future of its Aerospace industry and of its international credibility as a country able to lead a programme of this complexity. As a consequence, TEMPEST is an absolute priority and F-35 will inexorably tend to get crushed under its growing burden.

 

The real question is: can the UK afford another circa 40 F-35B by 2030? It would require the purchase of 5 jets per year beginning in 2023. This should not be unfeasible (the UK has ordered 6 or more jets in every year from 2019 to 2022) and is less aircraft per year than several other F-35 countries regularly order, but we know that the Combat Air budget is not looking very roomy in the next years and the RAF will have TYPHOON upgrades to fund; TEMPEST to develop and, hopefully, the LANCA unmanned loyal wingman to acquire. The same, small share of money will have to be cut up among these main programmes.

The situation is thorny enough that, I will repeat it again, 70 jets should make us all rejoice, provided that they are acquired over a reasonably short timeframe.

The real nightmare scenario we face is the impossibility to even do that.

 

Late 2020s and early 2030s will see TEMPEST expenditure ramping up more and more. As a consequence, I feel that the bulk of F-35 procurement will be over by 2030, by lack of money if not by design. Every effort, in my opinion, should be directed on getting those other 2 Sqns of F-35Bs by that date. And it is not going to be easy. It is in no way a given.

It is to be hoped that getting to 4 F-35B Squadrons will still happen, and that it will happen in a reasonable timeframe. The RAF will be severely short of Stealth capability until that happens, and the aircraft carriers will have a very hard time embarking a meaningful air wing. It would be a very embarrassing situation, as well as a dangerous one.

 

One welcome side effect of this much needed injection of realism is the fact that, if the RAF is at all sane, this will be the end of the ridiculous “Split Buy” idea. The fleet needs to be made up of one type, the B, which can work from the carriers as well as from land.

The F-35A is individually less expensive, yes. Has a slightly longer unrefueled range, yes. And can carry larger weapons in its internal bays, yes.

While these justifications are all true, the numbers (money, manpower and thus number of Squadrons, number of airframes) were never  sufficient to truly justify a split buy and were never going to be unless there was to be no TEMPEST. Splitting the fleet would result in tiny, operationally-ineffective fleets and in near-empty aircraft carrier decks.

The F-35A’s “advantages” would be totally illusory as well: the aircraft would be cheap, but there would be new costs associated to running two separate sub-fleets. Despite much commonality, F-35A and F-35B are not and will never be the same thing and there would be a constant fratricide struggle for securing a slice of the budget for covering the respective “unique” needs.

Moreover, the RAF does not own or plan a single payload which would fit the F-35A’s larger weapon bays but not the B’s ones. The large payloads are too large for both; the others fit the B just fine. So that is, and has always been, a moot point. Looks good on paper but never meant a thing in the UK’s context.

 

Hopefully, with the formation of the next two Squadrons now officially in jeopardy (unofficially, they have been uncertain for years to all who could look at the facts with the necessary realism) and the total number of airframes being revised downwards by 50% or even more, everyone will realize how utterly demented the idea of a split is.

 

The last time there was a 2-Squadrons small fleet, said fleet was offered up for the ritual slaughter because it was “too small to be sustainable and to support any sort of enduring operation, at sea or on land”. And honestly, it was. 2 Squadrons are too few to rotate in and out of task in a sustainable way. 4, ideally 5, is the number you are looking for.

That ‘s why the reduction of the number of squadrons in 2009 sealed the fate of that fleet, well before the 2010 SDSR even started.

That fleet was the HARRIER GR9 fleet. The number of airframes, ironically enough, was still 72 when the cut was decided. The number of crews and frontline squadrons operational on the type determined the cut, not the number of airframes.  

 

Whoever suggested that splitting the F-35 purchase in two to create not one but 2 barely-sustainable small fleets, both too small to meet their requirements, was being very unwise when 138 jets were still the assumption.

Whoever was to still insist on a split buy now would be, and I will unapologetically say this no matter how many might feel offended, an idiot. There really isn’t a kind way to say it.

 

 

CHALLENGER 2 Life Extension Programme

 

There is now a consensus on the fact that, if CHALLENGER 2 cannot be very decisively upgraded, it might be better to just remove it from service because it is suffering severe obsolescence, including in its main armament. The problem is well known: the rifled gun is a british oddity which has the drawback of employing two-piece ammunition. This means that the armor piercing rod cannot be lenghtened, creating a more effective round and putting an hard ceiling to the tank's lethality. It also means that there is no way to adopt the extremely flexible new generation of programmable, multi-mode explosive shells which are critical to counter reinforced positions and urban obstacles. 

I do not disagree on this assessment. The CHALLENGER has aged badly. It is also underpowered: its 1200 HP engine was arguably already inadequate when still new, especially considering that the british tank is heavier than its 1500 HP-powered counterparts. More weight and less power are a bad combination, that even the hydrogas suspensions cannot balance. 

What is extremely irritating, if not downright dishonest on the Army's part, is to come up with this radical assessment only now. Up to literally last year, the official position was that CHALLENGER 2 had no major lethality problems and only needed a refresh to optics, communications and electronics. 

For years i've written about the CR2 LEP and campaigned for the Gun and Powerpack to be at the very heart of the programme,. I went so far to suggest that LEP had no real sense to exist if the main issues were not to be considered. I did so before it was even confirmed that Rheinmetall was bidding a re-gunned upgrade solution, as this 2016 article shows

Yet, the Army initially launched LEP as a very limited obsolescence-removal effort, and it is only thanks to Rheinmetall's courage to show up with a new turret with the smoothbore 120/55 (what the Army wanted but did not dare asking for) that we are now looking at a LEP that, if it will progress, will actually mature the CR2 into that "world beater" it was falsely described as for all these years. 

Specifically, the latest Major Project spreadsheet, released in July and current to September 2019, reports on the sudden "change of heart" regarding CR2 LEP: 


The scheduled baseline project end date at Q2 1920 (30th September 2019) is 31/07/28, has lengthened by 791 days since last year's Q2 1819 date of 01/06/26, due primarily to the following factors;


 - In this period the programme's scope was expanded from obsolescence only to include enhancements to its lethality and survivability. The expanded scope has also lengthened the time to complete the work and increased cost over the assessment, demonstration and  manufacture phases.  These dates are currently subject to negotiation and will be confirmed when the full business case has been approved. 



The baseline Whole Life Cost at Q2 1920 (30th September 2019) is £1,304.19 m, due primarily to the following factors;


 - This reflects the financial position following the capability uplift endorsed by HMT. This sees a capability uplift and extension to the Main Battle Tank out to 2035.




Speaking to the Defence Committee, the Chief of the Defence Staff, previous Chief General Staff and mastermind of Army 2020 and Army 2020 Refine, General Sir Nick Carter, said that it has been "realized" that the CHALLENGER 2 needs the lethality upgrade to effectively face russian armor. 


I think the requirement is now pretty clear, and that is one of the reasons why Challenger 2 is taking a long time. It is because there was this realisation that the programme was not ambitious enough. It needed a smoothbore gun. It needed the ability to put a missile down that barrel to overmatch Armata, as you rightly describe. It needed its protection levels to be significantly enhanced. So the requirement has evolved. I think the Army now has a very clear idea of what it needs. The trick now is to find the resources to get behind what
it needs.

[Note: the mention of a "missile" can be interpreted as a new requirement for a gun-fired ATGW missile, but it seems that Carter was just being very "byzantine" in describing what is just the APFSDS round, but the longer-rod one enabled by the smoothbore cannon]


Carter's words do not reflect positively on him and on the Army as a whole. If they couldn't see the need for upgrade before 2019 they were not doing their job properly. 

The Army, of course, knew perfectly well that the gun needed to change: it was, in fact, looking for solutions already in the early 2000s, when the Challenger Lethality Improvement Programme was tentatively launched. It was in 2006 that a CHALLENGER 2 was first retrofitted with a 120mm smoothbore gun, in fact. Swapping the gun was never an issue: the issue was in the complete redesign needed to fix ammunition storage spaces and make room for the much longer single-piece rounds. This is the main issue to this day: the driver behind the need for a new turret. 

Have they forgotten everything about that phase? Was Carter being overly kind to his political masters, to the point of having the Army shouldering more blame that necessary? He was not shy earlier in the same hearing saying that it depends on money: why, then, say something as hopelessly stupid as this about CR2 lethality problems suddenly "dawning" on an oblivious Army...? 


The handling of the whole CHALLENGER 2 saga is horrible, and it makes me think very unpleasant things of the Army and of the current Chief Defence Staff. 

It strikes me as a binary choice: either there is staggering incompetence at play, or there is a fundamental dishonesty. 

The sudden "extremism" on the CHALLENGER 2 LEP issue at a time in which the risk of seeing the whole fleet axed for real is staggeringly elevate is very puzzling indeed. Up to last year they were fine with doing little more than changing radios and thermal cameras; now it's all or nothing. 

It's a terribly risky gamble. 

If not a deliberate ploy to direct the incoming cuts exactly in that direction. 

It feels like the 2009 reduction to the number of HARRIER Squadrons, which effectively made cancellation of the whole fleet the following year a foregone conclusion. 


Maybe i'm being overly harsh. Maybe my suspicions are unfunded. But it very much smells to me like an underhanded move on the part of what i suspect is a "wheeled faction" which seems to have gained the upper hand within the Army since 2015. 

I've long suspected the existence of a fundamental disagreement at the heart of Army planning between Tracks proponents and Wheels supporters. The dramatic change of priorities in 2015, just after the massive AJAX contract was signed, will always have me wondering. 


It is safe to say that, whatever the final outcome, as far as i'm concerned, the sooner General Carter's era ends, the better i'll feel. The original Army 2020 plan was a mess that had to be fixed with a long list of U-turns in the following years, and Army 2020 Refine now risks to destroy what's left of the British Army. It could hardly have gone any worse than it has. 


The prospect of the Army losing its MBTs and IFVs is one that is very hard to stomach. The destructive effect of such a decision would ripple farther across the force structure than most realize. It would be a life-changing injury for the Army. In the graphic below, I tried to evidence some of the less immediately-evident ramifications of such a scenario.

 

 

 

This graphic shows some (not all) of the true implications of doing away with the tank.
This graphic shows some (not all) of the implications of doing away with the tank. 

 

What is most infuriating about the tracked heavy armour situation is that the Army has laid its head into the guillotine all by itself. As we wait to see if the blade descends or not, we might contemplate the fact that in late 2019 the MOD signed into a 2.8 billion pounds contract for 523 BOXERs, as part of a Mechanized Infantry Vehicle contract which has an overall budget for procurement and first few operational years that is given as 4.6 billions in the latest Major Projects spreadsheet.

It is a fact that the Army put itself into this thorny corner by making BOXER its absolute number 1 priority, despite knowing that these 523 vehicles are a mere start, insufficient in numbers and variants to cover the need of the 2 STRIKE brigades.

 

In an alternate universe, the British Army has not strayed away from the 3 armoured  brigades of Army2020; has not yet bought a Mechanized Infantry Vehicle (MIV) and is making do with MASTIFF in its place but has but those billions into continuing the job it had started on Armour, getting CHALLENGER 2 LEP and WARRIOR CSP under contract and is, as a result, riding out the Integrated Review with a lighter heart.

This is a fact, and no hindsight is required. I’ve been shouting warnings for 5 years about the STRIKE adventure, as you will know if you have been following me for a while. I’ve collected hate from multiple corners, but I’m sadly, once again, proven right.

Believe me, I would very much like to be proven wrong in these cases, but it does not happen.

In pursuit of a concept that remains uncomfortably vague, the Army has put its core capabilities into a guillotine.

 

The MBT – IFV combo is the heart of any modern army. As the graphic hopefully helps understand, the ramifications extend across multiple formations and roles. All of that would have to be re-imagined and re-built around new concepts and new vehicles. This would be very expensive… and thus would likely not happen. Not anywhere near the scale that would be required.

 

Doing away with MBTs would require a very honest and very significant downgrade to national ambitions; a complete re-write of how the Army fights and against what kind of enemy it can go; and the rebuilding of the force structure around new and different vehicles and sources of firepower.

 

The problem is the UK would probably do none of the 3. Multiple governments have shown not to possess the necessary coherence and honesty to admit that having less capability only ever means doing less, not more. And the expenditure required to rebuild the army would be monstrous. If the tanks are cut for lack of money, you cannot possibly expect big amounts of money to be available right away, if ever, to launch a complete reconstruction of the force.

 

The Army would be left with BOXERs for some 4 infantry battalions, and plans for 4 regiments on AJAX. And that would be it. Half of 3rd Division would virtually cease to exist in one go, and since 1st Division is mostly only an empty shell containing multiple Light Role infantry battalions, there would be very, very little left to work with.

 

This is not the time to lose the MBT. Such a decision would also shut Britain pretty much out of any attempt to secure an industrial role in future MBT programmes. One popular option that gets mentioned a lot is “joining the franco-german Maing Ground Combat System”. There are multiple issues with this: France and Germany are not really looking for partners to treat with any equality. Industrial opportunities for other countries will be extremely limited. The UK would be welcomed as customer, not as partner.

And even if this was to change, the UK will have very little chance to secure any important industrial role simply because the relevant capabilities in this sector will have gone.

 

Rheinmetall BAE Land Systems is offering an incredibly fascinating option for a deep modernization of CHALLENGER 2: a whole new turret. This solves the ammunition problem of the CR2, which is the only NATO tank that uses 2-piece ammunition, which prevents the armor-piercing rod to be lengthened, thus hard-capping lethality. The CR2 ammunition is increasingly obsolete and is an oddity that offers zero commonality to NATO stocks and developments. No path to greater armor-piercing capability (important in the light of new Russian developments) and no chance to adopt modern programmable explosive rounds either. The new turret has been tested on a CHALLENGER 2 hull armed with the NATO standard 120 mm smoothbore and the very latest ammunition.

The new turret also comes fully digitalized and with modern systems, including new optics shared with AJAX, offering logistical commonality.

 


The first LEP demonstrator by Rheinmetall (now RBLS) focused on a "conservative" approach by going with the standard 120/55 smoothbore. 




The second demonstrator, publicly unveiled only last July, is more radically new as it comes with the 130/51 smoothbore. The turret is the same, but fitted with extra armour on the front and sides, possibly also as a form of counterweight for the cannon. Rheinmetall is betting big on this turret and this cannon; for them the CHALLENGER 2 LEP is an exciting opportunity, but the turret is very clearly aimed at future developments (MGCS) and at the LEOPARD 2 upgrade market. The first CHALLENGER 2 demonstrator was showcased at the NEDS show in the Netherlands in 2019, along with the 130 mm shell. It was a hint of what was coming, and a clear sign of the turret being meant for far more than just CHALLENGER. In the Netherlands, nobody cares about CHALLENGER. LEOPARD 2, on the other hand...


But more than that, the new turret is a product that Rheinmetall is using to develop next-generation solutions that could find a vast market in the future as LEOPARD 2 customers around the world take an interest.

 

In July it was revealed that the new turret, mounted on a CHALLENGER 2 hull (presumably the 2nd of the tanks given originally to Rheinmetall to become demonstrators for LEP proposals) has been trialed with the new 130/51 gun, which offers an estimated 50% lethality boost.

This new cannon is not yet a given for the franco-german MGCS, but is expected to eventually be officially picked, and it is assumed it will become a NATO standard in time as a consequence.

 

Clearly there is a risk that, in the end, the new gun won’t be so widely adopted. Or perhaps it will only be adopted over many years.

Then again, every risk comes with an opportunity. There is a more than real possibility that this new gun will only grow in relevance in the future, and that it might pick up big export orders.

If the UK became the launch customer and got RBLS to launch production of the turret, gun and ammunition in the country, the heavy armour industrial capability of the country would go from moribund back to very healthy. It would be much easier to secure a role into a future tank programme too. Perhaps even have a leadership position into an alternative programme to the franco-german one, with countries like Italy and Poland not at all thrilled by the virtually inexistent role for their industries if they were to buy into the MGCS.

Rheinmetall is likely to be sympathetic with a UK base for the new turret and gun because London is less likely to impose bans that prevent the company from bagging massive and lucrative middle east contracts. The german parliament has killed off several opportunities that Rheinmentall would have loved to pursue.

 

There is a huge opportunity within reach. In order to make CHALLENGER 2 fit for the next 2 decades, the new turret is a must. And whether it is armed with the 120 mm or the new 130 mm, new ammunition will have to be part of the expenditure. Arguably, this is exactly the time to be bold and adopt the new gun.


 

 

MIV and WARRIOR

 

MIV is a huge part of why the Army’s budget is in trouble, but BOXER is a good vehicle, and there are understandable reasons for wanting wheeled armour. Ideally, there should be both fully tracked and fully wheeled brigades, but the British Army does not have the resources to make it happen anytime soon, and so a different approach is required.

 

As I’ve written multiple times, I think the best compromise that can be pursued from where the Army currently stands is the French one. This means giving up tracked IFVs in favor of wheeled ones.

 

WARRIOR CSP is not yet under production contract, and since the base hull, even after the upgrade, shows all the limitations of age and of a powerpack that is not being replaced with a more modern and powerful one, it might be wiser to just abandon the project and the whole fleet.

 

The money (more than 800 million are earmarked for the WCSP production), the 40mm gun and the turrets should instead be put into BOXER.

Integration of the turret into a BOXER module should not be overly complex. Lockheed Martin fit one onto a BOXER and carried out some early trials, including weapon firings, as far back as 2015. While these industry-led demonstrations involve integrations that are far less mature than one might think, there should be no reason for the turret not fitting on a troop-carrying module.

 

The turreted BOXERs would then be mixed with the APCs already on order with the aim of eventually forming 8 battalions: 2 for each Armoured and Medium brigade. There are many reasons for me to formulate this recommendation, but they all more or less stem from the following main considerations: the Warrior hull is old and tired and the CSP does not quite solve that, nor does replace the old powerpack; an all MIV fleet helps standardization; having the infantry on wheels helps the Army be more self-deployable and means the precious few Heavy and Light Equipment Transports (89 and 77 respectively) are free to focus on moving the MBTs and other tracked platforms, such as AJAX and TERRIER; having at least a portion of the BOXERs well armed with a 40mm gun means that, apart from being able to get to the fight, they will also be able to fight. The current MIV, armed like a SAXON, can get there but can’t get into a fight, only drop its infantry a safe distance back. 



With thanks to Jon Hawkes (@JonHawkes275) who dug up these old slides and posted them on his Twitter. He is a must-follow in the field of Armour. 

Finally, plans for a new tracked support vehicle to replace FV432 seem to have died entirely, and it would border on ridiculous to field a 28 tons tracked Warrior supported by wheeled 8x8s weighting close to 40.

 

Boxer is a modern and well protected hull, and if the Army cannot afford a proper split of tracks and wheels, on balance of merits and defects, wheels should probably take precedence. This is what France has done with the VBCI replacing the last tracked IFVs of the Armee de Terre. 

It is a compromise, since there a tracked IFV will always have a greater ability to run down obstacles and dug-in positions and will always have greater all-terrain mobility than a wheeled platform, but I feel it would be a good compromise all the same.

 

Again, a priority for me would also be to re-evaluate the variants of MIV to be procured, reducing to the bare minimum the number of ambulances and command posts in favor of pursuing instead a 120mm mortar and an ATGW variants as well as, potentially, more APCs / IFVs to increase, if at all possible, the number of mechanized battalions in the Army. With over 500 vehicles already on order, it should be feasible. I’ve written about this in greater detail in a previous article.  

 

The Ambulance role and, wherever possible, the C2 role would be instead “offloaded” onto much cheaper Multi Role Vehicle Protected variants. Regarding MRV-P, I’d personally urge the Army to finally proceed with the programme with the aim of rationalizing the current dog’s breakfast of multiple “mini” fleets, getting rid progressively of Husky, Panther, DURO, Pinzgauer and part of the Land Rovers.

My favorite for Group 2 would be the Thales Bushmaster, to be assembled in their Glasgow plant as promised by the company and by the Australian government.

 

I do realize, however, that a quiet, unspoken further delay to the whole of MRV-P is likely, as it defers expenditure into a vague, undetermined future.



Further pre-Integrated Review reading material: 


- Amphibious without ships  - There is no amphibious capability without adequate ships and ship to shore connectors. A look at the USMC reforms and the question mark over the Future Commando Force


- A different angle to "difficult choices" - If the UK really doesn't want to spend money to maintain its capabilities, it needs to at least be wise on what it invests on. Building on strengths is more cost-effective than trying to reinforce weakness. 


- The many weaknesses of STRIKE - 5 years on, there is still not a consensun on what STRIKE is actually good for. And it is becoming painfully clear just how much it might cost the Army to pursue this plan. 


- Towards the SDSR 2020 - This was written in December 2019, before the COVID spending generated the current psychosis around public expenditure. While we wait to understand if HMG chooses to obsess about Debt reduction and launches a new Austerity drive (hopefully not), the overview of the main issues remains valid. 

Sunday, December 2, 2018

About that Split Buy idea...



Not long ago, Johnny Mercer, tory MP for Plymouth, made a vehement plea for honesty in the handling of Defence issues. I cannot possibly overstate how important it is to bring back some honesty in this sector, because there is a clear shortage of it.

I’ve written in other occasions that the way the Defence planning and budgeting is handled in the UK institutionalizes dishonesty and makes it endemic. It also ensures that the leaking of news to the press will continue, forever and ever, no matter how many times the practice is scolded. Watch any hearing of the Defence Committee with serving top brass; and then any of the many hearings with retired top brass. Compare and contrast.

Some of the most gigantic problems with the UK’s way of handling defence are:

-          What little the MOD says publicly about what it plans to procure, how and when is only ever published with 12 months of delay. Parliament gets little to zero actual say on the matter. Compare this to what even the Italian Parliament, not to mention the French or American one, get to do about the defence budget of their own countries. I don’t think I need to add more, it should be pretty obvious that there is an immense problem of accountability. Parliament gets a (very partial) letterbox view on the MOD plans, months after things have already taken place. Obfuscation about future intentions is sometimes complete.

-          The defence committee is a total paper tiger with little actual power.

-          Whatever little power the committee has is most commonly not exploited because serving top brass are literally not allowed to speak their mind freely in front of it. They must always stick to the official line, which is why as soon as they retire they seem to change from doctor Jekyll into mr. Hyde. It makes them look stupid and it makes the committee hearings look like bad comedy.

-          Without a defence committee to speak to, officers are dangerously short of options for fighting back against a developing situation inside the MOD that they feel is potentially disastrous.

This is, in ultra simplified form, the main reason why leaks to the press are constant and why the MOD constantly ends up mired in such disasters and embarrassing U-turns. This is something that the UK absolutely needs to change, sooner rather than later. 

The lack of clarity over future plans seem to extend all the way to the narrow circles of officers defining requirements for the future of the services. Looking at certain decisions, or indecisions, makes one wonder whether one project office talks to the other at all. 
There are quite a few things to say about Strike, for example, or about the never-ending saga of the Warrior CSP and its relationship with Ajax and MIV, which the army seems incapable to settle in a rational way. 
Today, however, I want to write about the F-35 programme because Deborah Haynes, foreign affairs editor at Sky News, has given voice to a worried leak, coming from the Navy, about the RAF’s intention of splitting the F-35 purchase, abandoning the carrier-capable, short take off and vertical landing B variant in favor of the A variant, which can only operate from fully established land airbases.  

The report sadly comes as no surprise although, for the very first time, it goes as far as suggesting that not even the first 48 aircraft are “safe”, as the RAF is reportedly pushing to switch to the A variant possibly already with the next contracts in line, which will cover production Lot 15 (UK expected to procure 7 aircraft) and Lot 16 (6 aircraft).

The UK has just taken delivery of its 17th F-35, BK-17, the third to be delivered this year and also the last. It concluded the 3 aircraft purchase for the UK in Low Rate Initial Production lot 10. Next year, a single F-35B will be added, from LRIP 11. The UK has also confirmed mere days ago that, as part of the first-ever “Block Buy” contract in the F-35 programme, it will procure the expected 17 airframes over lots 12, 13 and 14 (3, 6 and 8 respectively). This is perfectly in line with what was earlier approved with Main Gate 5 and already reported on by the NAO.
Lot 15 is expected to include a further 7, leading the fleet to a total of 42 by the end of 2023, as was promised in the SDSR 2015, with Lot 16 adding 6 more to get to 48 by January 2025.

No purchase plan has been detailed for the year 2025 and beyond.

I don’t believe that Main Gate 5, which authorized the procurement of these first 48 aircraft, will be re-opened and modified. I think it is highly unlikely. But from 2016 onwards the noise about the RAF purchasing the A variant has only ever gotten louder. To ignore it would stupid, because it is a fact that the RAF is interested and in favor of the split. They have said as much, despite some indignant reactions to the latest Sky News report. 

The first F-35B embarkation on HMS Queen Elizabeth has just concluded, and it was a great success. Trials progressed faster than planned and some test points originally meant for next year's deployment were brought forwards. 15 short rolling vertical landings were also carried out. Two USMC aircraft were employed because the only 3 test-instrumented F-35Bs the UK has are based in Edwards, on the Pacific coast of the US. As they are busy with tests of their own ahead of the IOC declaration next month, it would have made little sense to interrupt their work and fly them across the US. Next year, some 7 british F-35Bs are expected to embark for a new WESTLANT deployment and more elaborate trials. 

Unfortunately, the prospect of a split buy is not properly understood or debated. Much dishonesty surrounds the implications that a split buy would have. Some have been led to believe that 48 aircraft are all the carriers need. Some believe that, since the carrier can embark 36 and there will be 48, there is no problem at all and the air wing will be there. Unfortunately that is not how it works, and if only 48 aircraft are procured, and only two frontline squadrons formed, it must be made very clear that the carrier will most likely never be given a full air wing unless the USMC, Italy, or maybe Japan, which is reportedly to join the F-35B train soon, fill the holes.

Any honest debate about the split buy must be clear on the fact that the carriers face severe repercussions from a change of plans. It is a 100% certainty. Some people believe the UK will form more squadrons as a result of a split buy. This is almost certainly false. Any debate about the possibility of a split buy must acknowledge facts, not dreams. You might believe that never having a full air wing at sea is acceptable, and i will disagree vehemently but at least appreciate the honesty. What you can't do is pretend that the split buy will not make semi-empty decks a reality. 



A change of approach

Much has been said about how the Royal Navy will need to change its approaches, going back to generating task groups from years in which its focus was primarily on multiple single-ship deployments. Much has been written about the difficulties of ensuring that enough escort ships are available to sail together with the aircraft carrier and even more has been suggested about how this will impact the residual ability of the tiny escort fleet to generate hulls for other standing tasks.

Surprisingly, despite much “aircraft carrier with no planes” rethoric on the socials, very few have actually taken some time to acknowledge that it is imperative for the RAF, or part of it anyway, to change its own methods if Carrier Enabled Power Projection is to work. When was the last time that a RAF squadron deployed with its nominal strength of 12 aircraft? We have to go back many years. These days it does not happen, not even on operations. Op SHADER, for example, is about a Squadron (minus) of Tornado GR4 (8 aircraft) and an even smaller Typhoon contingent, of 6 aircraft. Major exercises, such as the recently concluded Saif Sareea 3, normally see 8, 10 aircraft at most. Events including 30 aircraft at once are literally extremely rare; the RAF 100 Typhoon contingent was literally one of few events that have seen so many real Typhoons flying together, ever since the type entered service.

The “carrier with no aircraft” rhetoric is sadly anything but empty. If the current approaches do not change, even the Navy’s minimum ambition of having a full squadron of 12 embarked for every deployment (that means once a year, for perhaps 6 or more months at a time) will simply not materialize.

F-35B squadrons will have to be resourced with more manpower and more equipment packs (spares) and the Joint Lightning Force will have to size its plans on squadrons of 12 deployed aircraft, not on smaller packages. They will have to deploy in greater numbers, and more frequently. There will be impacts on harmony for the manpower involved and there will be impacts to consumption of spares and maintenance of aircraft in general.

This, in itself, is a revolution and it is not going to be any easier than the Task Group challenge the Navy faces. The difference is priority: while there is no doubt that the Royal Navy will try hard to make its capital ship programme work, it is fair to wonder whether the RAF is genuinely interested in making a change of this kind. If it is not committed to it, the decks won’t see many aircraft. It is that simple.

Across the Channel, France does manages to generate an air wing of 20 or more combat jets roughly once per year. When the Charles De Gaulle deploys, a couple of squadrons are regularly embarked. With the recent demise of the last squadron of Super Etendard, the French are heading for a navy-owned, all-Rafale M fleet numbering 44 jets in 3 squadrons plus a small OCU element within a larger OCU squadron, joint with the air force. Two of these three squadrons of Rafale M will be embarked every year. And before anyone tries to belittle the Charles de Gaulle availability, I’ll remark that she does deploy, although her deployments tend to be frequent but short; probably also as a consequence of being a “lone wolf”, with no second hull available to ease wear and tear and cover periods of maintenance in port.

A brief history of some notable CdG recent cruises

February – May 2010  deployment included “Brilliant Mariner” exercise in the Arctic Circle, embarked group of 12 Super Etendard and 7 Rafale M
June 2010 – training in the Mediterranean alongside USS Truman

13 October 2010 – 21 february 2011 – “Agaphante” deployment to Indian Ocean, flew 240 sorties over Afghanistan while there. 12 Super Etendard and 10 Rafale

20 March 2011 – 12 August 2011 – “Armattan”, 1350 sorties; 8 + 2 Rafale M and 6 Super Etendard
March – June 2012, training deployment with 8 Rafale and 7 Super Etendard
Refit period durint January – August 2013

20 November 2013 – 18 february 2014; “Bois Belleau”, deployment in the Indian Ocean in support to CSG-10, USS Truman

13 january – 19 may 2015; “Arromanches 1”, Indian Ocean then retasked against ISIS; 12 Rafale and 9 Super Etendard
18 November 2015 – 16 March 2016 “Arromanches 2”, 18 Rafale and 8 Super Etendard
30 September 2016 – 14 December 2016; “Arromanches 3”, 24 Rafale M, first deployment without Super Etendard


The Royal Navy has publicly voiced a plan for routine deployment of a squadron of 12, with a two-squadrons major deployment / exercise roughly once every two years. A number of RAF officers, serving and retired, have told me in no uncertain terms that they do not think the RAF subscribes to even this humble and unimpressive plan, and that we should not expect it to be the norm. They fully expect less aircraft to be embarked, and if they are right it will be difficult not to feel that the whole project is a failure and that the ships are indeed too large and should not have been built in their current form.

We are heading for a force of 48 jets that deploys a smaller air wing than a force of 44 jets. It will please no one.

The carriers have been built to comfortably embark three F-35 squadrons at once, but there is now a very real risk that the UK won’t ever have three squadrons at all. The F-35 plans have, for most if not all the history of the programme, rotated around a target of 4 frontline squadrons. Air Cmdr. Harvey Smyth, the commander of the U.K.’s Lightning Force went on record as recently as May 2016 describing plans for four squadrons of 12 jets, plus the OCU which would, over time, also grow to number 12 aircraft.
It is obvious that with four B squadrons it would be much more realistic to aim to “routine” 2-sqns embarkations and it would be much easier to eventually surge up to three for a major operation.

We have to go back to Operation Telic in 2003 to get to see 30 Tornado GR4 deployed (plus 20 Harrier, a few Jaguars and 14 Tornado F3 for air defence). Focusing on regenerating the ability to deploy such a substantial air wing and doing it with much greater frequency would be a revolution in itself. If training exercises are seen as a separate event from embarkation and deployment on the carriers, the deck will be even more empty.  

138 aircraft (and 150 before that) seem too many to sustain "just" 4 squadrons. The Typhoon fleet was, at one point, going to have 107 aircraft and five squadrons (plus OCU, OEU and Falklands detachment), despite having to cover the all-important QRA requirement. With the retention of 24 Typhoon tranche 1 in the longer term, the plan is now for 7 squadrons from 130-some. But, as we’ve seen earlier, the actual deployable size of these squadrons is debatable at best, and that has to be taken into account. On the other hand, the Typhoon sustainment fleet is supposedly dimensioned to ensure that the fleet can be maximized was it ever needed in its air defence role. 
Those who say that a 138 aircraft buy should support the formation of more than 4 squadrons might have some merit. Note, however, that just saying it won’t make those extra squadrons appear.

What is certain is that splitting the purchase will make it difficult, if not impossible, to ever increase the number of squadrons. F-35B airframes are of little use as sustainment fleet in support of F-35A squadrons, and vice versa. Inexorably, there will need to be two separate sustainment fleets, and this means an higher net number of aircraft parked into hangars. Parked F-35As will not enable F-35B squadrons to deploy, and vice versa. Two squadrons of B and two squadrons of A risk to never match the availability of deployable assets that would come from 4 squadrons of a single type. This is a fact. And while F-35B squadrons could always replace or supplement F-35As operating from a land base during an operation, particularly an enduring one requiring multiple squadron rotations, the F-35A squadrons will not be able to replace the B ones at sea or in smaller / austere air bases.

Some spares will be common, but many others won’t be. Much of the training will be common, but some of it won’t be. The engines are similar, but not at all the same. Whenever in the future there will be a need for upgrades, there will be two (small) fleets fighting for the same (small) budget, and it is extremely, unpleasantly likely that we will end up going through new versions of the fratricidal battles between Sea Harrier and Harrier GR7/9, or between Harrier and Tornado.
To say “it is going to be different this time” is, I’m afraid, pure naivety. The very same reasons now put forwards in favor of an F-35A purchase will be used again in the future to ensure that it gets first dibs. One of the two fleets risks to become the poor cousin, the one who has to beg all the time because it is the last of the line. And it is easy to see which one is most likely to end that way.



Honesty required

It is true that the unitary cost of the F-35A is significantly lower than that of the B, and that the sustainment cost is probably going to be substantially different as well. This is probably the most compelling argument in favor of an A purchase, for obvious reasons. The price of all three variants has been decreasing steadily, lot after lot, and the latest LRIP 11 unitary prices stand at:

89,2 million USD for an F-35A
115,5 million USD for an F-35B

Some supporters of the A argue that the purchasing 90 As will generate a substantial saving that can be reinvested in other priorities, possibly beginning with more spare parts to sustain the two fleets. These supporters are, in my opinion, the only ones speaking with honesty, because the small differences in combat range, maximum G and weapon bays dimensions are far less credible motives to pursue an A purchase.

Can we first of all start the debate from honest premises for once? Let’s admit it: the MOD needs to save money, and the RAF (the F-35 budget holder) believes it has a way to save money that will only hurt the carriers, and “not the rest”. From their perspective, that’s entirely fine. It depends on whether or not you agree with that sentiment. I do not. There is already Typhoon, and a single fleet of land-only platforms is enough. I’d very much rather build up the ability to deploy at sea an air wing large enough to enable complex operations. This is, after all, the whole reason why there are a Queen Elizabeth-class and a Joint Combat Aircraft programme.

I’ve said it in other occasions and I will keep saying it: it was an enormous mistake to call them “strike” carriers. To virtually restrict their usefulness to the realm of strike, deep or not, is to undersell their usefulness. If Strike was the problem, it could be tackled in many ways, from expanding the Tomahawk arsenal and the number of launching platforms to adopting long endurance UCAVs. 

What aircraft offer over waves of cruise missiles is flexibility. The carrier air wing is a shield as well as a sword. The Navy needs it to be able to push with confidence into contested environments where there is an enemy air threat. Aircraft are needed to support the fleet in all kinds of missions, not just for “strike”. Strike is possibly the dead last on the list of why the ability to deploy airpower not just near the sea but at the center of a naval task group is so important. Whenever there is a debate on the survivability of carriers my argument is simple: what would the survivability of a surface task group be like without the carrier? That is the real heart of the matter. 

For close to two decades western armies have battled with a technologically inferior enemy, completely devoid of air power of its own, only in presence of overwhelming, readily available air support.
The fact that anyone could ever argue for navies to fight a pear or near pear enemy without assured, organic access to air support is mind-boggling. However good you might believe a Type 45 to be at shooting down enemy missiles and aircraft, you do not want it to operate without the outer bubble of security represented by the air wing operating at range. It is exactly because I’m a believer in air power that I support aircraft carriers.

The differences in raw performance between B and A are not enough to make an argument. The B can be carried and potentially based closer to its targets, more than compensating any range difference. Air to Air refueling will do the rest, as it always has.

In addition, the RAF literally does not have a single weapon, in service or planned, which would fit the A’s bays but not the B’s. The largest weapons such as the Future Cruise and Anti-Ship Weapon will almost certainly internally fit neither (it is a Storm Shadow and Harpoon replacement and it is pretty hard to imagine, given the requirements, that it could get that much smaller); all others will fit both. The advantage is absolutely virtual, and development or procurement of weapons specifically sized for the A will only further expand the differences between the two fleets. “But this one carries XY, the other can’t”. We have already seen this movie. This is actually part of why I think a split buy can only result in trouble further down the line.

The F-35B has weapon bays which are 14 inches shorter than those found on A and C and a payload limitation to two of the external pylons. 

 
The difference between variants. Both B and C use a special pod containing the gun and 225 rounds, mounted on the central pylon under the fuselage. The A variant has the same gun but installed internally and with 180 rounds. 

The smaller unitary cost of the F-35A is definitely attractive, and I’m not blind to it. However, there are good reasons to doubt of the exact extent of the savings to be reaped. The need for two separate sustainment fleets will eat away part of it; the need to procure two different stocks of spares will be another cost to contend with. Training differences will have their own cost too. Notably, as of today, the F-35A is only equipped for Boom air-air refueling, which the RAF is not equipped for. Money will be required to either fit Booms to Voyager or to add the probe on the F-35A. Space is reserved on the A for such an adaptation and in theory it can be done easily, but even if it worked without a single hitch, it would still require a budget. The purchase of booms for Voyager would be a most desirable investment as it would also benefit the C-17, Rivet Joint and Poseidon fleets and, possibly, the Wedgetail fleet if the new AWACS procurement proceeds. But there will be a substantial cost to this solution, however, and a new training burden to absorb.

There is a possibility to retrofit the A with refueling probes, but as of today nobody has gone in this direction

When all these factors are considered, is the saving still noticeable? Can it in any way compensate the negative implications of a split buy? In my opinion no, it can’t. Not unless the number of squadrons ends up higher than 4. A split buy will do nothing to increase the number of deployable combat aircraft; it will only split that number across two variants, not interchangeable. It will, de facto, turn “carrier without aircraft” from social media slogan to cold, hard fact.

If there was a realistic hope to get six squadrons, 4 of B and 2 of A, I might sympathize with the idea, even though even in that case I’d still be wondering whether maximizing the number of deployable assets from a single fleet wouldn’t be more efficient.

The biggest problem of all is that, already as things stand, even getting to four squadrons looks increasingly challenging. 



Manpower and TEMPEST

Honesty is required when it comes to manpower and timeframes as well. The UK will only complete its first 48 F-35 purchases in 2025, and a further 90 would have to follow to complete the intended 138 aircraft purchase. There has been no official indication about when the procurement effort will end. A "project end date" in a Major Projects spreadsheet suggest 2035, but in Written Answers the ministers have suggested that purchases could end in 2048, the year in which the F-35 is supposed to leave active service. 

Now; I think nobody believes, even for a second, that the 2048 OSD will hold true, just as the 2030 OSD for Typhoon didn’t stick, but I encourage every reader to ponder the seriousness of purchasing the last few aircraft in the very same year currently assumed as the end of the service life of the type. Clearly, the minister is not being honest in his answer, even assuming that the idea was to purchase less “sustainment fleet” aircraft by relaying on the fact that the production line can be expected to be open and active for many years into the future. You’d still not be procuring your last few replacement aircraft in the literal OSD year, would you? 

Besides, the formation of further F-35 squadrons, regardless of the variant employed, will depend on a range of factors, and one is clearly the rate of further purchases. It could take many years for a third squadron to stand up, and there is no telling when the 4th might follow. The last two equipment programme documents do not exactly promote optimism: the graphic of the EP 2017 show the Combat Air procurement budget nose-diving into 2027, suggesting very small purchases in 2025, 26 and 27, and possibly beyond.

Please note how the procurement budget allocation for Combat Air nearly vanishes into the 2020s. This is going to be the elephant in the room. 

In order to have all 138 aircraft by 2035 (considering two years of production time, the last aircraft would need to be ordered in 2033 to arrive in 2035), the UK would need to order at least 8 F-35 per year, dropping to six+ if the last order, rather than delivery, took place in 2035. At the moment, the purchase of 8 aircraft in a single year is only expected to happen once, in year 2020. It is not necessary to sit within the MOD’s high level meetings and be given classified briefings to see that it will be difficult, at best, to up the purchase rhythm. Typhoon procurement will soon be over; but its spiral development is here to stay (thankfully, too, but it will have a cost).
Mind you, it is not impossible, but it is pretty hard to imagine, right now.

In its infinite talent for making its budget unreadable, the MOD has this year changed the format of the Equipment Plan and cut back on the graphics, only putting up one, the aggregate for Air Command as a whole, which puts together, with uncertain consequences, what, up to the 2017 edition, was shown separated in Combat Air, Air Support and Helicopters. By the look of it, anyway, there is no reason to assume the Combat Air budget situation has seen any improvement.

There no longer is a separate Combat Air graph, unfortunately, but the Air Command aggregate published early this month does not suggest any improvement. 

Moreover, the UK is now supposed to develop its own new generation fighter, and project TEMPEST has been launched with great fanfare. The secretary of state for defence says the new fighter should enter service in 2035, and that means that development costs will have to compete for room in the budget with ongoing F-35 purchases. If the 2035 date is to be taken seriously (honestly, i think few do, but it is an official line and we can't ignore it), not just the development but also the production of TEMPEST (or whatever fighter jet will come out of it) will overlap with procurement of F-35. The implications for the budget are obvious. Can both things fit the Combat Air budget? Not if the nose-dive in funding levels evidenced by the last two EP documents holds true.

Project TEMPEST will need funding, in the same years in which the next batch of F-35s is due to be procured. Can both squeeze in the same budget? 

This, of course, is before any further reduction or change is forced upon the whole effort as an effect of the affordability gap between budget and procurement ambitions.

The implications for manpower are also important. Who is going to man the next F-35 squadrons?
The RAF is disbanding its last two Tornado GR4 squadrons next year, but is standing up two Typhoon squadrons in their place. IX and 12 are standing up respectively at Lossiemouth and at Coningsby; 31 Sqn will become the first of at least two Protector squadrons. Tornado is a manpower intensive machine, but even so I doubt the margin is enough to suddenly enable a proliferation of combat air squadrons.


2017 Fast Jet Fleet (frontline squadrons only; OCU and OEU excluded) 
Typhoon
3(F) Sqn  1(F) Sqn XI Sqn 6 Sqn II(AC) Sqn

Tornado GR4
IX(B) Sqn 12(B) Sqn 31 Sqn

F-35B
617 Sqn (building up)


Near future plans  
Tornado GR4 bows out in early 2019
Two additional Typhoon squadrons, IX and 12, to gradually build up.

617 Sqn achieves FOC, expands into a “super-squadron”, then splits into two as 809 NAS returns, by 20203


In the meanwhile, Protector is supposed to “double” the current Reaper fleet. If that holds true (for now "only" 16 are on orderer and 16 is not the double of 10), at least one of the current Reaper squadrons (XIII and 39 Sqns) will transition to the new type; maybe both. Note that a Protector squadron might have a lower manpower requirement as the new type introduces autonomous launch and recovery capability, but don’t let the absence of a cockpit fool you: unmanned assets are actually pretty manpower intensive as their extra-long mission cycle requires multiple shifts.

14 C-130J are to stay in the long term, and it is a very welcome move, but they will need to be manned.

The number of AWACS crews is supposed to grow to 12; the Shadow R1 fleet is growing from 5 + 1 unconverted airframe to 8; Two P-8 Poseidons squadrons will have been stood up by the time 809 NAS is up and running. If Sentry is replaced by new E-7 Wedgetail there might be a positive impact on AWACS manpower totals, but it is hard to say.

11 Group has just been reformed and extra personnel is heading for Cyber and Space related posts.

Next year, after a delay (should have been this year), the RAF will take over the Islanders and Defenders of 651 Sqn Army Air Corps.

Current fleets in the Military Training System are demonstrably too small, and the RAF will be sending a hundred trainee pilots to the US, after also signing a 3-year deal with a civilian provider for additional multi-engine training as the system simply cannot cope. In 2019 one of the stated priorities of DE&S is to find a solution to the problem, which, if it materializes, will probably require more trainer aircraft.

It has been recently confirmed that by 2020 the RAF will disband its lone bomb disposal squadron, releasing manpower for other roles. The Army has just reorganized EOD by eliminating hybrid regular – reserve regiments; concentrating reserve squadrons back into 101 RE; transitioned 35 Royal Engineer into EOD role, re-organizing regular squadrons and bringing back 49 Sqn from disbandment. The current RAF Bomb Disposal role will be absorbed by units within the army’s growing EOD force; overall a reasonable solution, but it is unrealistic to expect it will be enough to open new and great manpower margins.

The newly reformed 28 Royal Engineer regiment will be taking back control of the CBRN mission during 2019, but probably 27 Squadron RAF Regiment will become one of its sub-units (alongside Falcon Sqn, Royal Tank Regiment) rather than disband, so the effect on RAF manpower is unlikely to be significant, even as 20 CBRN Wing disbands, which is what I assume will happen.

There might or might not be some manpower recouped thanks to ASDOT (Air Support to Defence Operational Training) which from 2020 will replace the current "aggressor" squadrons and the Cobham-provided, Falcon 20-based electronic warfare training aids. 
736 NAS, the Navy's aggressor squadron on Hawk T1, is expected to disband in 2020 and depending on how ASDOT will work and who will man the new system, some manpower might be able to migrate towards the F-35. 
The RAF own aggressor unit, 100 Sqn, is instead expected to carry on to 2027; after that, as the Hawk T1 era comes to an end, there might or might not be a shift of manpower to other areas. 

Where are the manpower margins coming from? The SDSR 2015 authorized only a small boost to overall manpower figures, which sadly remains on paper anyway, since the RAF has a sizeable manpower deficit and the balance of inflow / outflow remains negative. So I have to ask again, where is the manpower coming from?

I do not think the RAF is currently awash with bored personnel with nothing to do, so I can’t help but wonder who is going to man additional squadrons. 

My belief has always been that the two additional Typhoon Sqns enabled by the partial reprieve for the Tranche 1 aircraft would be nothing more than placeholders to be sacrificed come 2025+ in favor of F-35 squadrons number 3 and number 4, but the official line is that Tranche 1 is here to stay for the long term, well into the 2030s if not out to 2040, current OSD for the Typhoon as a type.
I keep believing that Tranche 1 will not actually survive that long; but if it does it will only make me wonder all the more how the whole thing is supposed to work.



Long range strike needs? Why was FCAS abandoned?

If you don’t accept that it is about money, let’s talk about capability. Requirements-wise, what problem does the F-35A solve that the B can’t?
Is the RAF suddenly obsessed by the marginal range advantage? Has a crucial requirement been identified for some kind of 2000 lbs new weapon that is too long to fit into the B’s weapon bays (there is a 14 inches difference in length between the B’s bays and those of the A and C variants)?

In that case, why did the UK suddenly shy away from further developing Taranis and / or continuing with the much advertised Future Combat Air System project for an unmanned combat aircraft to be developed alongside France? The UK’s refusal to carry on with the project and give the go ahead to the demonstration phase has all but turned into a diplomatic embarrassment and has allowed France to behave like the victim despite having earlier killed the joint MALE project (Telemos) and caused years of delay to the FASGW-Heavy (Sea Venom) anti-ship missile. 

The RAF has (thankfully) not completely abandoned the UCAV realm as it has launched a new initiative called LANCA which aims to come up with a “low cost” UCAV “made in Britain”. There is no telling, of course, what LANCA is supposed to be able to do, at the moment, whether it will ever enter service, in which numbers or manned by who. The MOD, naturally, does not feel we are entitled to any indication in that sense. 

If there is such a pressing need for a longer ranged aircraft with a larger weapon bay, surely the UCAV path has to be explored as answer to that need. Naturally, factors such as budget availability come back to the fore, but i don’t think the F-35A is the right answer. Not in the current procurement scenario.

These are the kind of things that the Combat Air Strategy should have clarified, but, just like the Shipbuilding Strategy before, it has only made the waters murkier.



Desperation?

Is the MOD desperately looking for a way to reduce F-35 procurement costs without, for a few more years at least, admitting officially that the UK is never going to procure 138 F-35? 

Is the government afraid that a cut in F-35 commitment will result in an immediate American backlash against british industry involvement in the programme? 
In particular while Trump is at the helm, there is little doubt that the US would be extremely displeased by further cuts from the only JSF Tier 1 partner. A switch of variant (again) would probably cause some disbelief and some irritation, particularly within the USMC which has collaborated with the UK in all ways possible so far, but would "hurt less" than a net cut. 

There can also be no doubt at all on the fact that all other partners are eager to secure as much additional involvement for their own industries as possible, and any reduction of the british share is a potential gain for them. If the disastrous handling of Brexit negotiations proves something is that allies will still happily take away everything they can from you, if you allow them to.
Importantly, the vast majority of regional work for maintenance has yet to be assigned to the various countries. The UK secured some valuable work for MOD Sealand but literally hundreds of other components have yet to be assigned to this or that location and contractor and it is not difficult to imagine british bidders losing some luster if the news from the MOD turn sour. 

Some say that the british Tier 1 status has been secured forever and ever by the original 2 billion pounds contribution to the design phase, but allow me to be extremely skeptical about that. 

I’m starting to fear that the MOD might allow its plans to become distorted by the mirage of F-35A-generated savings, and rush down the split buy path without having an actual, half decent plan.
Timeframe of further purchases and the overlap with the costs associated with TEMPEST are two enormous factors that make it very hard to imagine that the UK will ever procure all 138 aircraft. Would it be a tragedy? Depends on how deep the axe hits. But splitting a force of a mere 4 squadrons across two fleets, or worse still ending up splitting the purchase and then downsizing even further below the target of 4 Sqns, would be a complete disaster.



And to close, a deliberately inflammatory tease below

You know what also costs less than the F-35B? 
The F-35C. The unitary cost dropped to 107,7 million as of LRIP 11. And it has longer legs than even the F-35A, and the same weapon bay size and already comes fitted with AAR probe.

In an alternate universe there is a UK which built the carriers (from the start, not from 2011, when it was too late to change minds without paying the price for it) with catapults and procured 90 or so F-35C and also replaced Sentry with the latest Hawkeye. 

Hindsight and dreams, as they say.